learn · advanced
Looking inside a model
After this page: You can say what interpretability researchers actually do, name results where a behaviour was genuinely located in the weights, and state why "we don't know how it works" is both true and shrinking.
Assumes How a language model turns text into text, What safety training changes, and what it leaves in place
Download a set of open weights and what arrives is a list of named tensors. One
is called model.layers.31.mlp.down_proj.weight. The name is an address: which
layer, which sub-block, which matrix. Nothing in the file says what the numbers
in that matrix are for.
So almost nobody studies the weights by reading them. The first move is to run the model and watch the activations, the values flowing through the network on one input, on the bet that whatever a model is doing, it is doing there.
A probe measures the probe as well
The oldest technique is a probe: train a small classifier on the activations at one layer and see whether it recovers a property you care about. Alain and Bengio named the method in 2016. It is cheap, it works on anything, and it reads like evidence. If a classifier can pull parts of speech out of layer two, layer two must represent parts of speech.
That inference is the one this field has had to learn not to make. Hewitt and Liang built the control: the same setup, but with every word type assigned a random output, so there is genuinely nothing in any representation to find. A probe that scores well on that is reporting its own capacity to memorise. What matters is the gap between the real task and the control, which they named selectivity, and the popular probes of the day were not selective. High probe accuracy, on its own, is a fact about the probe.
Neurons were never going to be the unit
The next thing to try is finding a neuron that means something. Some do. Most respond to assortments of things with no evident relation to each other, which looked for years like untidiness.
It is not untidiness. Anthropic's toy models of superposition put the reason in one line: "Linear representations can represent more features than dimensions, using a strategy we call superposition." A network with a thousand dimensions available and ten thousand things worth tracking does not discard nine thousand of them. It packs them in at angles, accepting interference in exchange for capacity. A neuron that fires for three unrelated things is not a broken neuron. It is what compression looks like from the inside.
So the unit was never the neuron. It is a direction in activation space, and directions have to be found.
Features, and the argument still running
The approach carrying most of the work since 2023 is dictionary learning: train a second, much wider network to reconstruct the activations using only a few of its many outputs at a time, then read those sparse components as features. Cunningham and colleagues found them more interpretable than what rival decompositions produced. In 2024 Anthropic ran sparse autoencoders against a production model and got the result everyone remembers: a feature for the Golden Gate Bridge which, clamped to ten times its maximum activation, makes the model start describing itself as the bridge.
That is a causal test and it passed. Whether these components are the model's own units or an artefact of the method that finds them is not settled, and in 2025 the same research community published two results against its own tool. Sparse autoencoders do not find canonical units of analysis: train a second autoencoder on the first and a latent for "Einstein" comes apart into "scientist", "Germany" and "famous person". And put to work on a downstream probing task, they could not be made to beat simple baselines consistently. Neither critique comes from outside the programme: an author of the original sparse-autoencoder paper is also an author of the canonical-units result.
Circuits: a whole account of one behaviour
A feature is a unit. A circuit is units wired into a computation, and circuits are what the field reaches for when it wants to explain a behaviour rather than label a component. A worked one covers indirect object identification: how a small language model completes "When Mary and John went to the store, John gave a drink to" with the other name. The account, assembled with causal interventions throughout, comes to twenty-six attention heads grouped into seven classes, each class doing an identifiable job, and between them they carry the bulk of the task.
What makes that paper worth reading is what it does next. Instead of declaring the behaviour explained, the authors score their own account against three criteria they name faithfulness, completeness and minimality, and report that while those criteria support it, "they also point to remaining gaps in our understanding". So a behaviour can have an address. Twenty-six heads is what one address cost, in a small model, on a task you can state in a sentence.
The refusal direction, read as evidence
You already have the strongest result on this page. The paper behind what safety training changes is Refusal in Language Models Is Mediated by a Single Direction: across thirteen open chat models, one direction in the residual stream such that erasing it stops the model refusing harmful instructions, while adding it elicits refusal on harmless ones.
Look at the shape of that evidence rather than the finding. Nothing is being decoded. Two interventions run in opposite directions and both land where the account predicts, which closes off the failure the control tasks exposed: a direction that is merely readable cannot also be a direction that, added to a request about baking, produces a refusal. The same paper then makes a prediction about something else entirely, that adversarial suffixes work by suppressing the propagation of that direction, and finds it.
What it does not say is worth as much. It does not say refusal is one direction in every model; it says it is in the ones tested. And it does not make refusal certifiable, because the address that lets a researcher study the behaviour lets anyone holding the weights delete it.
Where a fact lives is not where to change it
Causal evidence gets over-read too, and the cleanest demonstration is a pair of papers about stored facts. Locating and Editing Factual Associations in GPT developed causal tracing: corrupt the input, restore individual activations one at a time, and see which restorations bring the right answer back. It localised factual recall to middle-layer feed-forward modules, and its authors built an editing method on that localisation.
Then Does Localization Inform Editing? tested the step in between. It found you can change how a fact is stored by editing weights in a different location from the one tracing points at, and reported that tracing results "do not provide any insight into which model MLP layer would be best to edit". The authors' own summary is the sentence to keep: "better mechanistic understanding of how pretrained language models work may not always translate to insights about how to best change their behavior."
Nothing was wrong with the localisation. What failed was an unchecked move between two questions, where a computation happens and where to intervene on it, that everyone had been treating as one.
Two kinds of not knowing
What is this part doing now has answers, more of them every year, and the good ones arrive with an intervention attached. The best measure of how far that reaches comes from the people with the best tools. Anthropic's attribution-graph work of 27 March 2025 reports "satisfying insight for about a quarter of the prompts we've tried", and says that even the successes "only capture a small fraction of the mechanisms of the model". What the method cannot reach arrives as error nodes the authors call dark matter. A quarter is not nothing. It is also not a model you could audit.
That paper carries the finding that sits worst with everything you know about how these models run. Before it writes the first word of a line of verse, the model has already lit up the words it might end that line on; suppress the one it prefers and it writes a different line, landing on one of the others.
Nowhere in training did anyone ask for that, which sharpens the question none of this answers. How models are trained is blunt about the objective: pretraining optimises one proxy, next-token prediction, and nobody wants a next-token predictor. Why running that proxy over enough text yields something that plans a rhyme is a different question from what any of its parts are doing, and locating the refusal direction says nothing about why refusal was learnable at all.
The conventional answers did not survive contact with the evidence. Zhang and colleagues showed that networks which generalise well on real labels will also fit a random labelling of the same data perfectly, and will do it on unstructured noise in place of images, so neither the model family nor the regularisation explains the generalisation.
The clearest case where the question was answered is one this page has used already. The work that reverse engineered a grokked modular-addition network did not stop at the algorithm; it explained the arrival of generalisation as three phases, "memorization, circuit formation, and cleanup". The task was a table of modular sums. The whole world that network had to learn was written down in advance.
For a model trained on the open internet there is no written-down world. The sparse-autoencoder argument above cannot be closed by running a better experiment, because, as the sparse-probing paper says in its opening lines, there is a "lack of a ground truth for the concepts used by an LLM". You cannot score a decomposition against the right answer while nobody can state the right answer. One question comes with a way to be wrong: erase the direction, see whether the behaviour goes. The other does not have one yet, and effort is not the thing it is short of.
This is not a reason to shrug. What safety training changes ended on the gap between a model that is unlikely to do something and one that cannot, and only the second is a guarantee. Interpretability is the only programme that could supply it, which is why its practitioners keep publishing the tests their own methods fail. The paper that found the Golden Gate feature also found features relating to lying, deception and power-seeking, and then cautioned its readers not to read too much into their mere existence: "there's a difference (for example) between knowing about lies, being capable of lying, and actually lying in the real world."
So the question to bring to the next result you read is not whether the picture looks compelling. It is what got intervened on, and what happened when it did. A probe score, or a feature dashboard that reads beautifully, is without that a hypothesis wearing the clothes of a measurement.